www.sapkotaom.blogspot.com

canteen ko puri tarkari ani veg. mo:mo
KG's beautiful eyes (:P)
bus times with the bestest people of the college. hamro jasto ramailo bus arko thiyena.( thanks for reminding me anita didi)
paying absoulutley no attention throughout Pushaman Amatya's class
being shit-scared in RK's class
goofing around in Physics practical classes
that winter concert in grade 11
laughing like crazy in DG"s class
KG's SATIRICAL jokes that no one would ever understand


also i remember no matter what topic GS was teaching, it used to sound like the same bloody thing, magnetic field, etc etc haha

GR le dilasha gayepachi malai tension pareko
tulika ko questioning in every single class

and now, i am listing a few thingas you guys have metioned in the wall, etc:

JibNath sir le bonding ko example
Puspaman Amatya's "chai' or "bhanera bhanda
KG ko saahitya
singing and dancing in class 12
SKK's brilliant maths class
the day GR wore makeup ( apparently!cant belive i missed it )
Johnny lever's funny funny english ( does anyone else remember the story about babylon?)

source:Alisha Adhikari

(Om Hindi and Sanskrit: ॐ) is a mystical or sacred syllable in the Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist religions. It can also be said as Pranav. It is placed at the beginning of most Hindu texts as a sacred exclamation to be uttered at the beginning and end of a reading of the Vedas or previously to any prayer or mantra and also is said in the beginning of any puja (religious ritual).

Meaning
Om is the universal name of the Lord.The sound emerging from the vocal chords starts from the base of the throat as "A". With the coming together of the lips, "U" is formed and when the lips are closed, all sounds end in "M".The three letters symbolize the three states (waking, dream and deep sleep), the three deities (Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva), the three Vedas (Rig, Yajur and Sama) the three worlds (Bhuh, Bhuvah, Suvah) etc. The Lord is all these and beyond.The formless, attributeless Lord (Brahman) is represented by the silence between two Om Chants. Om is also called pranava that means, "that (symbol or sound) by which the Lord is praised". The entire essence of the Vedas is enshrined in the word Om. It is said that the Lord started creating the world after chanting Om and atha. Hence its sound is considered to create an auspicious beginning for any task that we undertake.


Origin, name and written symbols:
The Sanskrit name for the syllable is praṇava, from a root nu "to shout, sound, praise", verbal pra-nu- being attested as "to make a humming or droning sound" in the Brahmanas, and taking the specific meaning of "to utter the syllable om" in the Chandogya Upanishad and the Shrauta Sutras.It is also believed that after a very long time of meditation the Purusha Sukta revealed the word om as being the truth.

२०६५ मंसिर २२ गते आइतबार का दिन काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालय धुलिखेल मा अध्ययनरत विद्यार्थीहरु व्दारा “मानवअधिकार विश्वव्यापी घोषणापत्र,१९४८ डिसेम्बर १० (Universal Declaration for Human Right) जारी भएको ६०औँ वर्ष को सन्दर्भमा काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालय एम्नेस्टि इन्टरनेसनल युथ नेटवर्क (Kathmandu University Amnesty International Youth Network) ले
Youth in Activism
“Human Rights and Role of Youth”
Talk Programme (अन्तरकृया र विचार गोष्ठी)
नामक कार्यक्रम गरेको थियो ।
कार्यक्रम मा तिन सय भन्दा बढि विश्वविद्यालयमा अध्ययनरत युवा विद्यार्थीहरुको सहभागिता रहेको थियो । कार्यक्रम तिन बजे सुरु भएर साँझ साँढे पाँच बजे सकिएको थियो । कार्यक्रम मा काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालय का विद्यार्थीले निर्माण गरेको “उजेली” नामक महिला हिंसा र यातना मा आधारित आधा घन्टाको वृतचित्र समेत प्रदर्शन गरिएको थियो ।
कार्यक्रम को सभापतित्व काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालय एम्नेस्टि इन्टरनेसनल युथ नेटवर्क का संयोजक ओमप्रकाश सापकोटा ले गर्नु भएको थियो । कार्यक्रममा प्रमुख अतिथि काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालयका परीक्षा नियन्त्रक प्राध्यापक डाक्टर पुष्पराज अधिकारी, तथा अतिथि मानवअधिकारवादी नेता कृष्ण पहाडिले “अब बन्ने नयाँ सविंधानमा सम्पुर्ण नेपालीहरुको न्याय, शान्ति र भयरहित सभ्य समाजको परिकल्पना गर्दै निर्वाद रुपमा बाँच्न पाउने नैसर्गिक अधिकार को ग्यारेन्टि हुनुपर्ने” मा जोड दिनुभएको थियो ।
एम्नेस्टि ईन्टरनेसनल अन्तराष्ट्रिय सचिवालय सदस्य एलेन्डा फोस्ट (Yolanda Foster) ले महिला हिंसा र यातना का विरुद्ध सबैलाई सचेत रहन आग्रह गर्दै, अब बन्ने नयाँ सविंधान मा महिला अधिकार को पुर्ण ग्यारेन्टि गराउन सम्पुर्ण महिला सभासद र सबै नेपाली महिलाहरुलाई आह्‍वान गर्नु भयो । त्यस्तै एम्नेस्टि नेपाल सेक्सन का डाइरेक्टर रामेश्वर नेपाल ले “मानवअधिकार मा युवाहरु को अभियान र सहभागिता को बारेमा प्रष्ट पार्नु भएको थियो” ।

“मैले फेसबुकमाफत नै भएपनि केयु (काठमाण्डौ विश्वविद्यालय)का यी तीन भाइलाइ समेत खबर गरेको थिएँ' आफ्नो अनौपचारिक सम्बोधनका क्रममा आत्मविश्वासका साथ विज्ञान तथा प्रविधी मन्त्री गणेश शाहले थपे 'कृषि क्रान्ति हाम्रो पालाको अभ्यास थियो भने यी (हामीलाइ इंगित गर्दै) युवाहरुको पालो आइटि (इनफरमेशन एण्ड टेक्नोलोजी) क्रान्तिको हो र यीनीहरुले गर्न सक्छन पनि ।'

हाल सञ्चालनमा आउन नसकेको आइटी पार्कमा सरोकारवालाहरुसँग छलफल र भलाकुसारी गर्ने आफ्नो चाहानालाइ पुरा गर्न केयु हुदै पार्क पुगेका मन्त्रीले कार्यक्रमको समापानपछि मलाइ धाप मार्दै भने(तिमीलाइ त्यही केयुमै आउदा फोन गरौला भनेको नम्बर नै रहेनछ,जे होस यहाँ आयौ म खुसी छु' सहपाठी ओम प्रकाश सापकोटालाइ औँल्याउदै उनले थपे (यीनको नाम के रे ?'मलाइ ठ्याक्कै भुतपुर्व भारतिय राष्ट्रपति एपिजे अब्दुल कलामको याद आयो,जो सँग केही समय अघि मैले यसै गरी भलाकुसारी गर्ने अवसर पाएको थिएँ । आफ्नै फिल्डका मन्त्री भएर पनि हुनुपर्छ गणेश शाह सँग भेटेर विज्ञान र प्रविधीका विषयमा भलाकुसारी गरिरहदा मलाइ साच्चै बेग्लै महशुस भइरहेको थियो । रमाइलो र खुशीको लहर त त्यतिबेला झन छायो जतिबेला मन्त्री पत्नी उत्तिकै फुर्तिलो हुदै हामी सँग कुरा गर्न रुचाइन् ।'बाबु कुन फ्याकल्टी ?' भन्दै कल्याणीी शाहले मलाइ सोधिरहदा सहपाठी ओपीले उहासँग मेरो तस्विर खिचीसकेका थिए भने अर्का साथी अनिल घिमिरे (आकार) चाही कुन्नी को सँग विवादमा फसिरहेका थिए । हामी कुरा गर्दै आइटी पार्क वरीपरि घुम्न थाल्यौँ ।

मन्त्रालय सचिव उमेश मैनालीसँग कुरा गर्दै गरेका मन्त्री पछाडि फर्किए र भने 'आशिष कता पछाडी यहाँ आउ न ।' उनले मलाइ अँगाल्दै भने (अब आफ्नै विश्वविद्यालयमा एउटा कार्यक्रम राख अनि मलाइ पनि बोलाउ आवश्यक सहयोगको लागि सम्झाउ म व्यवस्था गर्छु ।' मैले 'हुन्छ' भनेँ ।

यसो भनिरहदा मेरो साइडमै बसेका सहपाठी ओम प्रकाश सापकोटा क्यामेरामा फेटो कैद गर्दै थिए । तर मलाइ भने मेरो दिनचर्याको याद आइरहेको थियो ।

'हामी इन्जिनियर बन्दा त यो पार्क बिकसित होला नि ?' हाम्रो विश्वविद्यालयदेखी नजिकै रहेको त्यही आइटीपार्क घुम्न जादा केही समय पहिले साथी शुरेसले 'यसमै जव ट्राइ गर्ने' सपना बुनेका थिए । तर अहिले सम्म जस्ताको त्यस्तै रहेको यो पार्क कहिल्यै सरकारी आँखामा परेन । वर्षौँ देखि प्रतिक्षा गरिएको यो आइटीपार्क असफलताको उदाहरण बनेर बसेको छ ।

अझ भन्नुपर्दा यो पार्क टापुमा बनाइएको दरबार जत्तिकै भएको छ । हुन पनि सोच्ने हो भने प्रश्न उब्जन्छ - अन्य सुविधाहरु विकास नगरी यहाँ कसरी आइटी पार्क सफल हुन्छ र ? स्पष्ट दीर्घकालिन योजनाको अभावकै कारण झण्डै ३७ वर्ष अघि शुरु भएको नेपालको सूचना प्रविधिको यात्राले अपेक्षित गति लिन नसकेको हो । हरेक वर्ष बजेट भाषणमा गरिने इ गभर्नेन्स, इकमर्श जस्ता ठूलठूला प्रतिबद्धताहरु कागजमै सिमित छन् । गतवर्ष राष्टिय योजना आयोगले जारी गरेको तीन वर्ष अन्तरिम योजनामा सम्पूर्णआइटी क्षेत्रका लागि रु ४० करोड मात्रै विनियोजन गरियो ।

यसले रोजगारी र कारोबारका हिसाबले पनि संसारमै सबैभन्दा बढी अवसर र सम्भावना भएको क्षेत्र , सरकारी नीति निर्माताहरुको आँखामा पटक्कै पर्न नसकेको बुझाउँछ । अहिले सम्म नेपालमा जम्मा ७० वटा मात्र टेलिसेन्टर स्थापित छन् । जब कि १० औँ पञ्चवर्षिय योजनामै १५०० केन्द्र स्थापना गर्ने लक्ष्य राखिएको थियो । यता सरकारी कार्यालयहरुलाइ आइटीको सञ्जालमा प्रवेश गराउने घोषणा वर्षौँ अगाडि गरिए पनि एकाध कार्यक्रमहरु बाहेक अन्य कुनै पनि योजनाहरु अगाडि बढेका देखिदैनन् ।

अझै पनि मालपोत,नापीजस्ता सामान्य जनताको पहुँच हुने निकायहरु कागजी 'ढड्डा'मै चलिरहेका छन । त्यसो त नागरिकता पासपोर्ट सवारी साधनको लाइसेन्स वितरणमा पनि सूचनाप्रविद्यिका खासै प्रयोग देखिदैन । भर्खरै 'एक बिद्यार्थी एक ल्यापटप' कार्यक्रमले बजार ततायो र तताइरहेको छ । भएका सम्भाव्यता र अवसरहरुलाइ सदुपयोग गर्न त परै जाओस संसारमै असफल भैसकेका यस्ता महत्वकाक्षी कार्यक्रमहरु लाइ सरकारी स्तरबाटै नेपालमा लागू गर्न खोज्नुलाइ नीतिनिर्माताहरुमा रहेको अदूरदर्शिता झलकाउछ ।

सरकारले त केही गरेन गरेन यहा नीजिक्षेत्रले पनि सम्पूर्णरुपमा सूचनाप्रविधिलाइ अङ्गिकार गर्न सकेको छैन । औपचारिकता निर्वाह गर्नका लागि प्रत्येक वर्ष क्यान इन्फोटेक गर्नमै व्यस्त कम्प्युटर एसोसियसन नेपाल ( क्यान ) को उक्त मेला पनि व्यापार मेलामै सीमित हुन पुगेको छ । यसले सूचनाप्रविधिको प्रयोग,विकास र विस्तारमा न त योगदान नै गर्न सकेको छ, न नीजिक्षेत्रलाइ उत्साहि नै ।

गुणस्तरीय जनशक्ति उत्पादनमा हाम्रो देश त्यति कटीबद्ध देखिदैन । सिक्नको लागि कलेज तथा विश्वविद्यालयहरु सर्वसुलभ नहुँदा ज्ञान हासील गर्न थुप्रै युवाहरु धेरै खर्च गरेर विदेसिन्छन र अवसर मिलेमा स्वदेश फर्कन हिच्किचाउछन् । यसले दक्ष जनशक्तिलाइ नेपालबाट धपाइरहेको छ । सरकार तथा सम्बन्धित निकायहरुले श्रृजनात्मक क्षमता बोकेकाहरुलाइ आफ्नै देशमा अवसर मिलाउनु आजको प्रमुख आवश्यकता र चुनौति पनि हो । इन्टरनेट तथा कम्प्युटर को प्रयोग बढेपनि त्यसको उपयोग शहरमा अनि त्यो पनि सामान्य सर्फिङ,च्याट,इमेल र टाइपमै सीमित छ । यसले आइटीको प्रभावकारीता र यसको माध्यमबाट हाम्रो देशले अपेक्षिित लाभ पाउन नसक्नुको रहस्य तफ संकेत गर्छ ।

सूचनाप्रविधिलाइ हाम्रोदेशमा उच्च मूल्याÍनका साथ अंगाल्ने हो भने जताततैबाट फाइदा देखिन्छ । यसक्षेत्रमा काम गर्न पनि निकै सजिलो हुन्छ । श्रृजनात्मक क्षमता बोकेकाहरुकाले त नयाँ नयाँ 'प्रोग्रामहरु' विकास गर्न सकिन्छ त्यो पनि घरमै बसी बसी । लाखौं रुपयाँ कमाउन घरछाड्नै नपर्ने अवसरलाइ कसले सदुपयोग नगर्ला र ? सूचना तथा प्रविधिको क्षेत्रले धेरै संम्भावना त बोकेको छ तर अपेक्षित गति हात पार्न सकेको छैन । यही भएर पनि हुनुपर्छ आफ्ना दुइ छोरा विदेशमा,एकजना अमेरिका र अर्का रशिया,रहेका बताउने मन्त्री पत्नि कल्याणी शाहलाइ मैले अन्त्यमा सोधेको थिए(के गर्छन ? अनि उनले भनिन एउटाको अमेरिकामा आफ्नै सफ्टवेयर कम्पनी छ र अर्को रसियामा आइटी प्रोफेसर छ । अनि मैले मनमनै सोचेँ तिनीहरुलाइ नेपाल बोलाउन पाए हुने नी भन्न नपाउदै उनी गाडीमा चढिन र म पनि साथीसँग फर्किएँ ।

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Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala (1914 – 1982) was the Prime Minister of Nepal from 1959 to 1960. He led the Nepali Congress, a social democratic political party.
Koirala was the first democratically elected prime minister in Nepal's history. He held the office just 18 months before being deposed and imprisoned by order of King Mahendra, an assertive absolute monarch jealous of the powers he had delegated to Koirala's government. For the rest of his life, which was spent largely in prison or exile and in steadily deteriorating health, "B. P." (as he was everywhere known) never ceased to call for the restoration of democratic freedoms in his country.
Koirala led the armed revolution of 1951 which overthrew Nepal's 104-year old Rana Regime, a narrow family-based oligarchy permitted by successive acquiescent kings to exercise all real power. The last Rana prime minister was dismissed in October 1951 when the Rana-Congress coalition cabinet (in which Koirala served for nine months as the Home minister) broke apart. Koirala then concentrated on the developing Nepali political structure: although not fully officially tolerated, political parties were increasing in importance, and the King was pushed by events to offer some concession to growing democratic aspirations. King Mahendra responded with a new constitution enabling free parliamentary elections to take place in 1959. Only a fragmented parliament was expected, but Koirala's Nepali Congress scored a landslide, taking more than two-thirds of the seats in the lower house. After several weeks of significant hesitation, Mahendra asked Koirala to form a government, which took office in May 1959.
Viewed from abroad, Koirala's debut as prime minister was a great success. He led his country's delegation to the United Nations and made carefully poised visits to China and India, then increasingly at odds over territorial disputes. Yet, he was in trouble at home almost from the beginning. His land reform measures, especially the revision of the tenancy laws so easily passed by parliament, deeply offended the landed aristocracy which had long dominated the army. His long-promised reform of the central bureaucracy outraged thousands of entrenched and powerful bureaucrats. And the King and court saw even their residual powers being eroded with amazing speed. The new government, the nation's first democratic experiment, thus managed to alienate all the traditional centers of power. King Mahendra acted quickly, brutally, and finally: on 15 December 1960, he suspended the constitution, dissolved parliament, dismissed the cabinet, imposed direct rule, and for good measure imprisoned Koirala and his closest government colleagues. Many of them were released after few months, but Koirala, though he was suffering from throat cancer, was kept imprisoned without trial until 1968, when he was finally permitted to go and live in exile in Banaras.
King Birendra, educated in England and the United States, succeeded his father in 1972, and the political climate was believed to be gradually improving. Koirala, however, was arrested immediately upon his return from exile in 1976 and charged with the capital offense of attempting armed revolution. Considerable international pressure secured his release on parole and enabled him to travel to the United States for medical treatment. He was arrested again on his return from New York in late 1977, but in March 1978 was finally cleared of all treason and sedition charges.
After returning from a further medical visit to the United States, he had a series of audiences with King Birendra, as he tried for a "national reconciliation." During the student demonstrations in 1979, he was under house arrest. However, he welcomed King Birendra's call for national referendum on the question of political system for Nepal. The referendum results were announced to be in favor of retaining the political system led by the king amid widespread charges of vote rigging whereupon Koirala demanded a boycott of the 1981 elections. Despite obviously failing health and political strength, Koirala could still draw a great popular support. He addressed one of Nepal's largest public meetings in recent years in Kathmandu's Ratna Park in January 1982. He died on July 21, 1982 in Kathmandu. An estimated half a million people attended his funeral.

Freedom of expression is sometimes used to denote not only freedom of verbal speech but any act of seeking, receiving and imparting information or ideas, regardless of the medium used. The right to freedom of speech and expression is recognized as a human rights under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and recognized in international human rights law in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The ICCPR recognizes the right to freedom of speech as "the right to hold opinions without interference. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression". Furthermore freedom of speech is recognized in European, inter-American, African and Asian regional human rights law.

Throughout the world individuals face harassment and imprisonment as a result of exercising their right to freedom of expression. Everyone has the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas without fear or interference. This right is important for the personal development and dignity of every individual and is vital for the fulfillment of other human rights. Freedom of expression has always been a core part of nation and is closely linked to the right to hold opinions and the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion

Thousands of prisoners of conscience – people who are imprisoned because of their political, religious or other conscientiously held beliefs, ethnic origin, sex, color, language, national or social origin, economic status, birth, sexual orientation or other status. All the country should supports and protects those who speak up and express their opinions openly and freely around the world as mentioned on the chapters of UNO, Amnesty international and many other human rights organizations. All Human rights organizations should do a lot of work particularly with those who speak out to defend human rights.

Nepalgunj.
(pronounced as /nepãlgənj/ ), also spelled Nepalganj, is a town in Nepal, located in the Banke district of the Bheri zone (Terai), near Nepal's southern border with India. It is 16 km south of Kohalpur. It is the transport hub for western, mid-western and far-western regions of Nepal. The nearest Indian border is about 8 km south of Nepalgunj

Overview
Nepalgunj is important business centre for more than 5 zones of Nepal (Bheri, Rapti, Mahakali, Karnali, Seti). In the middle of town lies Birendra Chok, an intersection named after the late king, of whom it has a statue.

Transport
The airport is 6km north from Birendra Chok. The airport is called Mahendra Airport (which was initially constructed at khajura and was later shifted to ranjha), named after the name of Late King Mahendra. The major places in Nepalgunj are Dhambojhi, Gharbaritole, Tribhuwan Chok, Ganeshpur, Sadar Line, Koreanpur, Belaspur, B.P. Chok and Khajura. It connects the under-developed parts of Nepal like Dolpa, Jumla, Mugu, Rukum via airways.
A branch of Indian Railways reaches the border immediately opposite Nepalgunj.

Temples
Bageshowri temple in Nepalgunj is one of the most important temples for Hindus. At the temple can be found a statue of Shiva, which possesses a moustache. It is often referred to as (Junge Mahādeva), and is the only one of its kind.

Culture
Nepalgunj has a very diverse culture. People believing in different religions like Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Christianity etc and atheists too live here. Similarly people of different ethnicity also live here.
But the harmony and peace amongst different ethnicity and cultures here was badly disturbed by the riot that broke out in the last week of December 2006 causing violence between Madheshi (people of Terai origin) and Pahades (people of Hilly origin). At least one person was killed and dozens others injured in the clashes and the local administration had to impose curfew extended to several hours to pacify the riot.

During that violence, the agitated mob destroyed the statue of Late King Tribhuvan, as you see in the picture at the right, and named the chowk(crossing) as 'Kamal Madheshi chowk', after the name of the person killed in that violence.
A commission was formed later to find out the cause of the violence.

Madan Kumar Bhandari (Nepali: मदन कुमार भण्डारी) (June 27, 1952– 1993) was a Nepali politician and communist leader.
Bhandari was born in Taplejung. He studied in Varanasi, India and in 1972 was named central committee member of the Janabadi Sanskritik Morcha (Democratic Cultural Front), a student's movement launched by Pushpa Lal Shrestha. Around 1976 he left Pushpa Lal's Communist Party of Nepal to launch the Mukti Morcha Samuha ("Liberation Front Group"), which formed an alliance with the survivors of the Jhapa Movement in 1978. He was a founder member of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) preceding the 1980 referendum and was elected general secretary at its fourth national in 1986.
When CPN(ML) merged into Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) in 1991, Bhandari became the general secretary. Bhandari was the engineer behind the programme of CPN(UML), People's Multiparty Democracy, which led his party as the strongest communist party of Nepal for several years even after his death.
In 1993 Bhandari died, supposedly in a car crash without anyone as eye witness. Many believe he was murdered. Among the three passengers inside the car, only the driver Amar Lama survived and two leaders Madan Bhandari and Jeev Raj Ashrit died. The then government formed a probe committee but officially the car crash was reported as an accident without any sign of conspiracy. Possible conspiracy again came into concern after the only survivor of that crash, Driver Amar Lama was murdered after about 10 years.
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Ernesto "Che" Guevara (June 14, 1928 – October 9, 1967), commonly known as Che Guevara, El Che, or simply Che, was an Argentine Marxist revolutionary, politician, author, physician, military theorist, and guerrilla leader. After death, his stylized image became a ubiquitous countercultural symbol worldwide.

As a young medical student, Guevara traveled throughout Latin America and was transformed by the endemic poverty he witnessed. His experiences and observations during these trips led him to conclude that the region's ingrained economic inequalities were an intrinsic result of monopoly capitalism, neocolonialism, and imperialism, with the only remedy being world revolution. This belief prompted his involvement in Guatemala's social reforms under President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, whose eventual CIA-assisted overthrow solidified Guevara's radical ideology.

Later, in Mexico, he met Fidel Castro and joined his 26th of July Movement. In December 1956, he was among the revolutionaries who invaded Cuba under Castro's leadership with the intention of overthrowing United States-backed Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Guevara soon rose to prominence among the insurgents, was promoted to Comandante, and played a pivotal role in the successful two year guerrilla campaign that deposed Batista. Following the Cuban revolution, Guevara reviewed the appeals of those convicted as war criminals during the revolutionary tribunals, ratifying sentences which in some cases utilized .Later he served as minister of

industry and president of the national bank, before traversing the globe as a diplomat to meet an array of world leaders on behalf of Cuban socialism. He was also a prolific writer and diarist, composing a seminal manual on the theory and practice of guerrilla warfare, along with an acclaimed memoir about his motorcycle journey across South America. Guevara left Cuba in 1965 to incite revolutions first in an unsuccessful attempt in Congo-Kinshasa and later in Bolivia, where he was captured with the help of the CIA and executed.

Both notorious as a ruthless disciplinarian who unhesitatingly shot defectors and revered by supporters for his rigid dedication to professed doctrines, Guevara remains an admired, controversial, and significant historical figure. As a result of his perceived martyrdom, poetic invocations for class struggle, and desire to create the consciousness of a "new man" driven by "moral" rather than "material" incentives;Guevara evolved into a quintessential icon of leftist-inspired movements. Paradoxically and in contradiction with his ideology, Che's visage was also reconstituted as a global marketing emblem and insignia within popular culture. He has been mostly venerated and occasionally reviled in a multitude of biographies, memoirs, books, essays, documentaries, songs, and films. Time magazine named him one of the 100 most influential people of the 20th century, while an Alberto Korda photograph of him entitled Guerrillero Heroico (shown), was declared "the most famous photograph in the world."

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